By William Marsden

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21) a. house Ί didn't go to the bazaar nor home' (Bhatia 1978: 25). And yet NEG appears in preverbal position: b. 2. Diachronic developments It will have already been noted in the examples recorded above that there is a tendency for the particle *ne to reinforce itself by uniting — especially in negative coordinates of the type 'neither. nor' — with some other morpheme, as in the case of OIr. nach, Goth, nth, and Umbrian ne(i)p < *ne-ku'e 'and not' (like Gr. ), OPrus. Lat. ) with the IE particle *-ghe/gho that is found in OSlav.

If mother tongue interference may be called upon to account for the Spanish speakers, this is certainly not the case for Norwegian or Japanese speakers whose languages have Vb + NEG, but who nonetheless in the initial stages of acquisition produce English sentences such as: (14) I no like English. I no want many children. Sentences with a postposed NEG, where traces of LI interference may be perceived, such as: (15) He finds machinery no. Sells no. 1. Preverbal negation 39 represent only 4% of the total (see Schumann and Stauble 1983: 273).

See Sornicola (1988: 144)). The process is, however, repeated independently in the various IE linguistic traditions: see Gr. oud-ets, oú-tis 'not-one > no-one', like Goth, ni ainshun (with the clitic -hun < IE *kTu-ne, again from the indefinite/interrogative stem : cf. WP. Lehmann (1986: 194)), ONor. nein < *ne-einn, OE nän (OSax. neri) < *ne än, OHG neo-man, nio-man 'no-man > no-one'; Lat. nemo < ne hemö, Eng. no-body. Note that in all these cases NEG is represented (except, of course, in Greek) by IE *«/-, sentential negation, not by *», word negation (as in *n-gnö-tos > Gr.

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A grammar of the Malayan language by William Marsden


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