By Maurice Cowling
The passage of the Reform invoice of 1867 is likely one of the significant difficulties in nineteenth-century British heritage. Mr Cowling presents a full-scale clarification, in accordance with a variety of archive fabric, together with 4 significant manuscript collections no longer formerly used. Mr Cowling can pay equivalent recognition to the view taken via Parliament of the category constitution and to the targets and methods of politicians in Parliament and outdoors. He units this distinctive old narrative in an analytical framework, the assumptions of which he discusses at size.
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Extra resources for 1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill
No passages in English oratory are more barely expressive of the class struggle than Lowe's attacks on the lower orders. No British politician in mid-twentieth century would imply as clearly as a Liberal leader like Gladstone the need to ensure that any renovated franchise excluded the 'residuum', bypassed 'the mere peasantry' or took pains, in enfranchising the working-classes, not to admit 'the poorest, the least instructed and the most dependent members of the community... [at the expense of] the most skilled and most instructed of our working men'.
There were, it is true, marches, demonstrations and public meetings. There was a prolonged struggle with the government, which the League won, about the right to assemble, first, while Sir George Grey was Home Secretary, 36 PRELUDE on Primrose Hill and in Trafalgar Square, then, under Walpole, in Hyde Park itself. But there was no defiance except when the law confirmed its positions, and there were elaborate para-military plans to ensure that the meetings were not ruined by roughs and rowdies who could not be excluded altogether.
B. Potter, and Thomas Hughes—were party Liberals because they pursued objectives more extensive than reform of the electoral system, and regarded the Liberal party, under Gladstone's leadership, as the only instrument for effecting inroads, however slow, on aristocratic or Anglican monopoly. Although they wished to limit aristocratic power, however, they did not underestimate its strength. The restraint they put on the League was put, not just out of dislike of violence but from fear of the reaction of respectable opinion at large and of the Liberal party in the House of Commons.
1867 Disraeli, Gladstone and Revolution: The Passing of the Second Reform Bill by Maurice Cowling
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